On that day, Cruz questioned the legitimacy of the election on the Senate floor. But he has since become not just a staunch but an effective Trump ally.Ĭruz's eagerness to shift positions based on how the wind is blowing extends to Jan.
0ne of Trump’s fiercest critics during the 2016 primary season, Cruz refused to endorse Trump’s nomination at the Republican convention, to boos from the crowd.
While the Texas senator paints himself as a pure ideologue, he has abandoned and changed his positions on issues like immigration, foreign policy and surveillance out of concern that they could harm his presidential prospects. Cruz’s plan calling for the Senate to delay the certification of the 2020 election results seemed to be running on a “parallel” track to Eastman’s legal memo.Ĭruz’s ideological commitments have long been secondary to his political ambition. Cruz and Eastman met while clerking for then-U.S. (The Supreme Court didn’t end up taking the case.) And as Cruz backed a lawsuit arguing that Texas had the authority to throw out election results in several other battleground states, some of his advisers worried he was turning his back on his conservative federalist principles.īut perhaps the most shocking possibility raised by the Post’s reporting is the implication raised by Cruz and Eastman’s friendship. Among other things, Cruz agreed to represent Pennsylvania Republicans’ attempt to block certification of their state’s presidential results before the Supreme Court. Bush’s campaign during the recount of the Florida vote in 2000. Cruz spoke to Trump directly on the phone, acted as a Trump surrogate spreading 2020 disinformation on Fox News and pitched himself as a legal asset because of his experience working with George W. According to the Post, Cruz and Trump began working on plans to undermine the election two days after Election Day, to the surprise of many of Cruz’s aides.
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